Showing posts with label Orson Welles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Orson Welles. Show all posts

Saturday, 1 August 2026

Orson Welles on Universal Brotherhood, Tolerance, Altruism, Freedom, Responsibility and Social Justice Part 1/2 i (Isaac Woodward case, To Be Born Free, 1946)

Below is a transcript from Orson Welles Commentary: To Be Born Free August 11, 1946.  Orson Welles Commentaries (1945–46) is an ABC radio series produced and directed by Orson Welles. Featuring commentary by Welles, with reminiscences and readings from literature, the 15-minute weekly program aired Sunday afternoons at 1:15 p.m. ET beginning September 16, 1945.

It was part of a series of five episodes championing the cause of  Isaac Woodard Jr. (March 18, 1919 – September 23, 1992) was an American soldier and victim of racial violence. An African-American World War II veteran, on February 12, 1946, hours after being honorably discharged from the United States Army, he was attacked while still in uniform by South Carolina police as he was taking a bus home. The attack and his injuries sparked national outrage and galvanized the civil rights movement in the United States.

It seems to be based partly on two articles written for a political magazine,  “Moral Indebtedness”, Free World, October, 1943, and  Race hate must be outlawed’, "Free World", July 1944 and is something of an ethical manifesto that touches upon Universal Brotherhood, Tolerance, Altruism, Freedom, Responsibility and Social Justice. At the time, Welles was associated with American Vice-President Henry Wallace, who was known to have esoteric interests, although he distanced himself from Wallace in 1948, In my opinion, it ranks as one of the greatest American speeches of the twentieth century and one of Welles' finest moments. Unfortunately, a month after this impactful civil rights victory Welles' show was cancelled, due to political pressure. A final radio editorial, found in an archive collection, touching upon the situation, has recently received some attention. 

This is Orson Welles. I’ve spoken these words before, but not on the radio. To be born free, is to be born in debt. To live in freedom without fighting slavery, is to profiteer. By plane last night, I flew over some parts of our Republic where American citizenship is a luxury beyond the means of the majority. I rode comfortably in my plane above a sovereign state or two where fellow countrymen of ours can’t vote without the privilege of cash. I bought my breakfast this morning where Negroes may not come except to serve their white brothers. And there I overheard a member of some master race or other tell all those who listened that something must be done to suppress the Jews.

I have met southerners who expect and fear a Negro insurrection. I see no purpose in withholding this from general discussion. There may be those in that outcast ten percent of the American people who someday will strike back at their oppressors, but to put down that mob, a mob would rise. I’d like to ask please, who will put down that mob? The scaly dinosaurs of reaction, if indeed they notice what I’m speaking here, will say in their newspapers that I’m a communist. Communists know otherwise. I’m an overpaid movie producer with pleasant reasons to rejoice, and I do, in the wholesome practicability of the profit system. But surely my right to having more than enough is cancelled if I don’t use that more to help those who have less.

My subject today is the question of moral indebtedness. So, I’d like to acknowledge here the debt that goes with ownership. I believe, and this has very much to do with my own notion of freedom, I believe I owe the very profit I make to the people I make it from. If this is radicalism, it comes…automatically to most of us in show business, it being generally agreed that any public man owes his position to the public. That’s what I mean when I say I’m your obedient servant. It’s a debt payable in service and the highest efforts of the debtor. The extension of this moral argument insists no man owns anything outright since he owns it rent free. A wedding never bought a wife. And the devotion of his child is no man’s for the mere begetting. We must each day earn what we own. A healthy man owes to the sick all that he can do for them. An educated man owes to the ignorant all that he can do for them. A free man owes to the world’s slaves all that he can do for them. And what is to be done is more, much more, than good works, Christmas baskets, bonuses, and tips, and bread and circuses. There is only one thing to be done with slaves. Free them.

If we can’t die in behalf of progress, we can live for it. Progress, we Americans take to mean, a fuller realization of democracy. The measure of progress, as we understand it, is the measure of equality enjoyed by all men. We can do something about that. The way our fighting brothers and sisters looked at it, some of them dead as I speak these words, the way they looked at it: we’re lucky. And they’re right, we’re lucky. We’re lucky to be alive. But only if our lives make life itself worth dying for. We must be worthy of our luck, or we are damned. Our lives were spared, but this is merely the silliest of accidents. Unless we put the gift of life to the hard employments of justice. If we waste that gift, we won’t have anywhere to hide from the indignation of history.

I want to say this. The morality of the auction block is out of date. There is no room in the American century for Jim Crow. The times urge new militancy upon the democratic attitude. Tomorrow’s democracy discriminates against discrimination. Its charter won’t include the freedom to end freedom. What is described as a feeling against some races can’t be further respected. Feeling is a ninnyish, mincing way of saying something ugly. But the word is good enough for race hate when we add that it’s a feeling of guilt. Race hate isn’t human nature, race hate is the abandonment of human nature. But this is true: we hate whom we hurt. And we mistrust whom we betray. There are minority problems because minority races are often wronged. Race hate distilled from the suspicions of ignorance takes its welcome from the impotent and the godless. Comforting these with hellish parodies of what they’ve lost. Arrogance to take the place of pride. Contempt to occupy the spirit emptied of love of man. There are alibis for the phenomenon, excuses, economic and social, but the brutal fact is simply this: where the racist lies are acceptable, there is corruption. Where there is hate, there is shame. The human soul receives race hate only in the sickness of guilt.

The Indian, the Red Indian, is on our American conscience. The Negro is on our conscience, the Chinese and the Mexican American are on our conscience. The Jew is on the conscience of Europe. But our neglect gives us communion in that guilt. So that there dances even here the lunatic spectre of anti-semitism. This is deplored. But it must be fought. And the fight must be won. The race haters must be stopped. The lynchings must be stopped. No matter who’s going to be governor of Georgia, the murders in Monroe must be avenged. Gene Talmadge might call it foreign meddling, but the governor-elect who, you remember, campaigned on the Bilbo platform of race-hate needs to be told: that all the states in the Union and all the people in them are concerned. Immediately, personally concerned when a mob forms in the sovereign privacy of Georgia. The mob said it was taking care of things in its own way, well then, we’re going to have to take care of the mob. In our own way.

Those who take the law into their own hands are going to learn about some laws that’ll tie their hands. We’ll write those laws, and we’ll enforce them. To do him justice, old Gene went and issued himself a statement. After the killings in Monroe were public knowledge, he said the killings were regrettable. But old Gene’s made it plenty clear, he doesn’t figure any foreigner has the right to poke around asking embarrassing questions. I am sending old Gene a copy of the Donne sermon of the tolling bell, but I don’t suppose he’ll get the point. The point is, of course, that no man, even Gene Talmadge, is an island entire of itself. Point, of course, is that even Georgia is a piece of the continent. The American continent. And if a clod be washed away by the sea, or if a colored man and his wife are murdered on a dusty country road, America is the less. 

Further Viewing 

I'm not aware of a comprehensive study of the political facet of Welles' work, which would make for a substantial book, but I would say that the above transcript serves as a good overview of his pro-active, participative, responsible perspective on political and civic deontology. A further text on political ideologies and bureaucracy in modern society can serve to round out a basic summary of his views: La jeunesse décidera, La Démocratie Combattante, décembre 1952 in Orson Welles, Maurice Bessy, 1964, pp. 114
 
Orson Welles Commentary: To Be Born Free August 11, 1946 Isaac Woodward anti-racism speech Academic commentary
 
"Orson Welles' Sketchbook" discusses invasion of privacy by police, authorities, & overbearing, bloated bureaucracy. May 22, 1955; briefly summarizes Isaac Woodward case youtube.com/watch?v=Crn_mP
 
Dick Cavett Show July 27, 1970 pro-active anti-tyranny stance youtube.com/watch?v=XsyXbe
Freedom River -  Orson Welles narration Compelling 1971 pro-democracy, pro-ecology, anti-capitalism parable, animation film 8 min Sam Weiss Joseph C Cavella Warren H Schmidt, Stephen Bosustow from the makers of Mr. Magoo..

The Eyes of Orson Welles-documentary 2018 Mark Cousins Touches upon humanistic, ethical, political philosophyyoutube.com/watch?v=27FyMn

Friday, 3 November 2023

Book Review: Youssef Ishaghpour - Orson Welles, cinéaste, une caméra visible I

Popular productions such as cinema can say a lot about society, the collective consciousness of a given place and period, as well as the collective unconscious. Since the U.S. is experiencing it's first Pluto return, I thought that this review of a French book would be a good reminder of the considerable socio-cultural legacy that the country has built over the 20th century, which it seems to be in danger of losing sight of:
Youssef Ishaghpour, Orson Welles, cinéaste, une caméra visible I (Mais notre dépendance à l'image est énorme...), Éditions de la Différence, 2001, a monumental 3-volume work by an erudite and prolific Iranian-French film and art historian.

Youssef Ishaghpour
The book is a massive compendium of essays examining various aspects of Welles' career - there are two other large volumes - dealing more specifically with Welles' career chronologically. This post is a brief summary of first two sections of this book - the other sections deal with Welles and film theory, Welles as public figure, actor, and director, Welles in theatre and radio, and ends with an analysis of Welles' Heart of Darkness project. The broad, eclectic, dense erudition can be quite daunting, but I feel that an English translation of the first two sections of this book would make for a useful, viable, interesting tome, of interest well beyond the film theory field.

This impressive tome begins with a 30-page general intro - then a 60-page general intro on art and history as it relates to the modern world. Then he begins a section on Welles and modernity.

Welles and modernity

Starting with the the notion of individualism as it was in the Renaissance, referencing Ernst Cassirer - Modern individualism begins, he says, when there's a break from the Renaissance notion of individualism, a crisis that can be seen in Marlowe's Doctor Faustus, the first great theatrical role for Welles... He mentions Cervantes and Shakespeare in the next section - (and talks about Warhol in the following section) in a part on Mannerism and Baroque periods of art. He cites Erwin Panosfsky among several others. 

He makes a case for Welles being an exponent of a Mannerism perspective. Looking at artists like Caravaggio, Rembrandt, Vermeer, El Greco, one can see a number of 'cinematic' effects that they use. (i.e. chiaroscuro lighting, various compositional elements that emphasize certain dramatic and emotional points, ...) The rest of the section basically outlines the development of modernism from the Renaissance to the present. He cites such authors as Descartes, Kant, and Heidegger and touches on such modern notions as representation, subjectivity, reflexivity, capitalism, the enlightenment, individualism, the autonomy of art, art and the marketplace, the commercial promotion of genius as begun in the romantic period via Coleridge, Wordsworth, Keats, Shelley, Carlyle, etc.. the notion of the 'Byronic hero' and Lord Byron are examined... 

'Welles' in America 

Moby Dick, Herman Melville
This section is 'a study of the American zeitgeist during Welles' lifetime. It begins with a comparison of a Norman Mailer article on JFK, followed by a discussion on the Puritan notion's of individualism and success in America and a segment on the Age of enlightenment, mainly citing Harold Laski, moving on to the transcendentalist movement with Emerson. There's a substantial passage on Melville, with some interesting comparisons between him and Welles. There's a section on Walt Whitman, all of these brief segments serve to illustrate the development of the American zeitgeist via it's literary and cultural exponents. Henry James is used to illustrate a period that Mark Twain had termed 'the gilded age' , the age of the robber barons, business moguls, mentioning as an example Theodore Dreiser's novel, the Financier. This is followed by a section on the cinema and the writer's known as the 'lost generation', starting with Dos Passos, comparing the structure of U.S.A. with Kane. Then a section on Fitzgerald and Hemingway that are more direct comparisons with Welles' career. Then a section on Faulkner which notes a structural similarity with Absalom! Absalom! and Kane. Then we arrive at the period where Welles' career begins with a section on the great depression and the New Deal that goes into the efforts of Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, & Keynes to counter the monopolistic tendencies of capitalism.

Antifascism and the Popular Front  

The next 40 pages or so deals mainly with Welles' theatre period wherein is discussed the fear of the threat of fascism following the depression and subsequent growth of the Popular Front movement and Welles' involvement. Welles political activism his status as artist representing political values is touched upon. The Work Progress Administration and the Federal Theatre Project are examined - Lewis Mumford and James Agee are mentioned. Discussion of Welles' relationship to the communist movement and to Archibald McLeish are dealt with along with an account of The Cradle Will Rock and Welles' relationship with Marc Blitzstein and how the political elements in Buchner's Danton's Death served to alienate the various very political conscious factions of the Mercury Theatre audience. The Welles radio episode, 'His Honor, The Mayor' is discussed - The political strictures of Hollywood and how most of Welles' stories would be considered too controversial to film. It is noted that Welles arrived at a very favorable time - i.e. a motivated and attentive public, a militant press, and state sponsored organization and how his arrival in Hollywood marked a different period with less favorable conditions and how the Magnificant Ambersons, It's All True, and The Stranger reflect that situation. The Lady of Shanghai is viewed as a commentary of Welles' alienation from Hollywood and the notion of estrangement i.e. the alienation of the American intellectual.

Estrangement - the alienation of the American intellectual 

Orson Welles painting
In 1947, Welles, who had been called the Emperor of the United States a decade earlier is now being called America's youngest has-been. Welles' problem is seen as having tried unsuccessfully to bring intellectual and artistic content to the the mass market context of Hollywood, which left him alienated from both Hollywood and  American intellectuals. He cites an interesting book, 'The New radicalism in America 1889-1963', by  Christopher Lasch. There is much mention of the New York School, i.e. the avant garde of American intelligentsia of writers and painters. The romantic notion of the artist in isolation and rebellion i.e. art for art's sake, the purity of the artistic vision is discussed. Welles is in a paradoxical position between art and mass communication. Jackson Pollock is celebrated for the same excentricities that Welles is reproached for. Welles liberal radicalism partly explains his estrangement from American intellectuals.  

Joseph Conrad
Between popular and elite culture  

Prior to the 20th century, there did not exist the pronounced opposition between high and low culture, i.e. Shakespeare was still appreciated by all classes. By embracing elements of high and low culture, Welles was unable to interest either sides. He is compared to Joseph Conrad in that respect. The separation of art and the cultural industry is examined in relation to Welles' career. MacBeth is seen in terms of contemporary political and cultural climate.  

Welles political commitment- Wallace and the defeat of the Liberals 

Welles works are seen as meeting ground of contradictions that are in opposition (Sovereignist and democratic tendencies, etc.). The decline in Welles' career is compared with the political decline of the Liberals and Henry Wallace. Themes in Othello and the contemporary socio-political climate are examined. Welles' political writings are examined, mainly his articles for the Free World. The question of the Liberals relationship with communism and the Soviet Union and Wallace's founding of the Progressive Party are discussed. Welles' support of the United Nations and how his political values are present in Touch of Evil, with mention of Welles' 1952 'Dialogue of the XXth century' article.

 Maccarthysme  

This section begins with Welles' 1947 departure from the US due to reasons of income tax problems and suspicions of communism by the FBI and and the California committee for Un-American activities. Hearst was a strong MacCarthy supporter. The communist witch hunt period is examined in some detail. Touch of Evil and The Trial are seen partly as a commentary on that political climate. 


'The age of conformity' and the birth of the counter-culture 

Chimes at Midnight
This part begins with Welles' denunciation of Henry Luce's Life Magazine manifesto and the decline of the American intellectual is examined, with a quote from Christopher Lasch's 'The Agony of the American Left' among others. The rise of the beat generation and the counter culture movement is touched upon - Chimes at Midnight and the figure of Falstaff is considered as a reflection of this period. Communication and Welles ' dual image of media personality and artist is discussed. The author identifies the end of the modern period with Andy Warhol's Campbell Soup prints (ironically establishing a link with Welles' Campbell-sponsored radio series). The problems of the post-modern mass media consumer society are examined, including the position of art in mass production marketplace as exemplified by Warhol. F for Fake is seen as a reflection of this period.